res. S^P^'^h '^^'^
A
^ATmXAB.&MA'L SYSTEM Or BQ^imT'E^
AS IT EXISTS IN
SOME GOVERNMENTS AND COLONIES IN AMERICA,
AND IN THE UNITED STATES,
THE NAME OF SLAVERY,
WITH ITS J^ECESSITY AJ^D ADFA^TdGES.
BY AN INHABITANT OF FLORIDA.
THIRD EDITION, WITH AN APPENDIX.
1833.
0^5- 5575.36 v^O.a
Digitized by tine Internet Arcinive
in 2011 witii funding from
Associates of tine Boston Public Library / The Boston Foundation
http://www.archive.org/details/treatiseonpatriaOOking
PREFACE.
It will be allowed by every one, that agriculture is
the great foundation of the wealth and prosperity of
our Southern States. This important science has al-
ready attracted some share of attention from men of
the first talents, by whose improvements in cultivation
several valuable productions promise, from their su-
periority, to maintain a preference in foreign markets ;
and the recent introduction of new articles of tropical
produce into the southern districts, where they bid fair
to succeed, offers still greater incitements to agricultu-
ral enterprise, and opens a new and extensive range
for future speculation.
While this great field of wealth and independence
promises now to be well understood and duly appre-
ciated, the primary cause and means by which alone it
can be realized, has either escaped attention, or been
designedly overlooked: I mean the perpetuation of
that kind of labor which now produces it, and which
seems best adapted, under all circumstances, to ren-
der it profitable to the Southern capitalist.
The idea of slavery, when associated with cruelty
and injustice, is revolting to every philanthropic mind ;
but when that idea is associated with justice and be-
nevolence, slavery, commonly so called, easily amal-
gamates with the ordinary conditions of life.
To counteract the existing prejudice against slave-
ry, by making it evident that the condition of slaves
may be equally happy and more independent of the
ordinary evils of life, than that of the common class of
whites denominated free — that they are now equally
virtuouS; moral, and less corrupted than the ordinary
PREFACE.
class of laboring whites — that their labor is far more
productive — that they yield more support and benefit
to the State, which, under a well regulated system of
management, is better fitted to endure a state of war
than it would be with an equal number of free white
people of ordinary means and condition ; and, finally,
that the Slave or Patriarchal System of Society [so of-
ten commiserated as a subject of deep regret] which
constitutes the bond of social compact of the South-
ern seaboard of the United States, is better adapted
for strength, durability, and independence, than any
other state of society hitherto adopted. To endeavor
to prove all this, and to destroy the prejudice existing
against slavery, under the circumstances with which
it is now associated in the South, is the object of the
present essay; dedicated to the people of Florida,
and to political economists throughout the Southern
States, by a votary of rational policy, and
most respectfully
their humble servant,
Z. KiNGSLEy. -
*^* See notes at the end.
A TREATISE
THE PATRIAMCHAI. SI.AVE SYSTEM.
That there is a large portion of territory in the Southern states
unfavorable to the health and production of white people, is evident
from the sickly appearance of nearly the whole seaboard laboring
white population, extending from the Chesapeake Bay to the Mis-
sissippi, This sickly appearance is most observed among the low-
er orders, who are exposed to the weather ; and it can only be
accounted for by supposing that nature has not fitted a white com-
plexion for hard work in the sun, as it is evident that the darkness
of complexion here is a measure of capacity for endurance of labor,
under that influence.
Many, from a superficial view of things, suppose that the aver-
sion to labor observable in the South, among the working classes
of whites, proceeds fz'om natural indisposition. But a nearer view,
and better acquaintance with facts will show, that the radical cause
is the want of health, which produces an apathy or aversion to work
and frequently a relaxation, or want of natural excitement in the
powers of life, which seek artificial stimulants ; as we see frequent
instances of the strongest, soberest, and most industrious mechanics
coming from the North, becoming, after a few years hard labor,
weak and idle, and finally, falling a sacrifice to the abuse of ardent
spirits. Some are of opinion, that the want of health in these
classes, is owing to their being unaccustomed to a hot climate. But
as many years have elapsed since the first white people settled
among the Southern swamps, and their descendants have not im-
proved either in looks or longevity, it becomes evident that people
of white complexions are unfitted by nature for that situation. (2)
Some of our Northern neighbors, living in a state of health and
affluence, and not being aware that this prosperous state, in many
instances, proceeds indirectly from Southern slave labor, and with-
out duly investigating, and comparing the hardships, and humilia-
tion of the lower condition of their white population with the more
comfortable state of the Southern negroes, have denounced the
Patriarchal state of subordination of the latter, called Slavery, as the
most abject and miserable of all possible grades of human existence.
Now it appears to me, that no one state can be perfectly free from
6
tliese evils ; but that all must experience some modifications of
depeadence.(3) The uegro, under the management of a just, con-
scientious, and humane master, (of which description it will cer-
tainly be allowed that there are some,) who provides for the physical
wants of his servants, his wife and children, in health, sickness
and old age, for no other consideration than the equitable one of
competent labor, wbcn in health, will surely enjoy a happier and
more enviable stale of existence than the poor v/hile man, burdened
with a family, who has to contend with cold and hunger, besides
religious and moral tyranny.
Moreover, the free white man, with the greatest economy and
industry, usually consumes nearly the whole product of his labor ;
laying by but little, even under the most favorable circumstances,
but with a smaller stock of prudence and exertion, which more
commonly happens, he not only consumes all his earnings, but is
compelled by cold, hunger, and want of employment, or ill health,
to apply to the public for charity. Whereas the negro by his labor,
disci'eetly restrained under the Patriarchal System, not only furnish-
es clothing, implements of husbandry, and provisions, but creates a
large export surplus lo meet contingencies ; thus increasing the
comifort and capital of the establishment, of which he considers
himself an integral part. (4)
In shortj the greatest value of agricultural product for export,
and nearly all the springs of national and individual prosperity,
flow from slave labor, as is fairly demonstrated by our annual ac-
count of exports. It could not reasonably be expected otherwise.
The labor of the negro, under the wholescme restraint of an intelli-
gent direction, is like a constant stream ; that of the white man is
economically measured out by his urgent necessities, or dissipated
by his expenses. Besides, climate enables the one to furnish arti-
cles of greater value ; while the white man's labor is usually applied
to raise cheap articles of food for the mere subsistence of himself
and family.
Such is the comparative usefulness of these two classes of society
in our present state of peace. But to render a slave holding country
stronger and equally advantageous in a state of war, against which
it ought always to be prepared ; or, in other words, to neutralize the
spirit of disaffection which necessarily results from every uneoual
distribution of privileges ; it will be requisite to alter a little our
present policy.(5) Before, however, we begin, and by way of get-
ting rid of some slight prejudices, it might be well to take a view of
some other slave holding countries, which have already undergone
the test of experiment, and successfully resisted all the disorganizin<y
temptations and insidious machinations of powerful, but, as yet, un-
successful enemies ;(6) and endeavor to obtain safe and conclusive
evidence from eatablished precedents exactly applicable to our cir-
cumstauces.
First, I wiii take a view of Brazil, (7) which is by far the most
powerful and extensile slave holding country in America, or in the
world ; its population consists of something less than one million
of whites, something more than one million of free colored, and
considerably over two millions of slaves. It passed through such a
war of revolution as our own, from the colonial state to that of an.
independent government, attended with all the violence of con-
flicting interests, opinions, and consequent hostility of royal and
independent partizans, with their hostile armies. It now ranks, as
Empire of Brazil, perhaps the most extensive government in the
world, and is carrying on war with the free Republic of Buenos
Ayres ; with its white and free colored population, it has fitted out,
manned, and sent to sea, nearly forty ships of war, and has raised
or sent to the frontiers, nearly fifty thousand regular troops. It
now affords the grand imposing spectacle of a slave holding govern-
ment, whose population greatly preponderates in favor of color, at
war with a free republic, which constitutionally disavows slavery,
and which not only endeavors to subdue it by force of arms, but to
subvert it by inflammatory proclamations, ofiering freedom and
protection to the slaves as their reward for revolt. But all these
disorganizing temptations have heretofore failed; the slaves main-
tain their obligation, and do their work peaceably as usual ; fur-
nishing produce and means, not only to support the national credit,
but to carry on the war, and repel the bearers of these insidious
proclamations. This trait of virtue and fidelity in the Brazilian
slaves, is to be attributed to humane and just treatment.
The door of liberty is open to every slave who can find the means
of purchasing himself. It is true, few have the means, but hope
creates a spirit of economy, industry, and emulation to obtain merit
by good behavior, which has a general and beneficial eftect.
Slaves are also allovi^ed to hold some kind of property, under limi-
tation — such as stock. But the grand chain of security by which
the slaves are held in subordination, is the free people of color,
whose persons, properties, and rights are protected by law ; which
enables them to acquire and hold property in their own name, and
allows the free children of quarteroons by a white man, to be white
by law. By this link, they become identified with the whites on
one side, and with the slaves by descent on the other ; a connexion
which perfectly cements the three castes of which the whole cation
is composed ; and each being perfectly contented with its perma-
nent, lawful privileges, the jealousy, which might otherwise arise
from caste or difterence of complexion or condition, is totally ex-
tinguished, and no one feels an interest in disturbing that with
which every one is satisfied.
The British colonial policy is fast verging to the same point. Its
object is to improve the education and mental attainments of its
free colored population, as well as to protect its slaves from unjust
oppression.
8
The free colored people are thus gradually rendered fit to take
place of the whites, whose lives have long been uselessly sacrificed
to a hot climate, which does not, nor ever can agree with them.
They have so far progressed, as to fill up a great deal of agricultural
as well as mercantile room, and most of the militia troops, with
free colored people, who are good mechanics, well educated, and of
great respectability : so that a very considerable share of landed
property has already passed into their hands. Their law also en-
titles the children of free quarteroons to all white privileges, if the
father is white. By this policy they unite the two castes, who be-
come equally interested in maintaining good order and contentment
among the slaves.
The Spanish, French, and Butch Colonies have all adopted the
same policy.
The island of Saint Domingo is now independent under ita abo-
riginal name Hayti.(8) Its colonial tranquility was first disturbed
by national edicts, which the French people, while frantic with
revolutionary zeal, madly promulgated in their colonies. This
dangerous fanaticism soon spread itself among the slave holders,
who being divided in two great political factions, nearly equal in
strength, armed their slaves to support their own political opinions.
This, together with their pride in denying the participation of
equality to the free colored people, caused the destruction of that
flourishing and important colony. The fall, and final extinction
of its colonial power, and its subsequent re-establishment under a
free and independent government of negroes in our vicinity, fur-
nishes, in a variety of incidents which took place during its whole
course, abundant examples of situation, occurrences, and facts,
from which we may establish consequences that would apply to
almost every possible situation in which we could imagine slaves of
a similar class to our own to be placed.
To infuse a general spirit of revolt among the numerous planta-
tions of St. Domingo, appears to have been a matter which required
both time and labor to accomplish ; especially as some departments
were more prudent than others, and tried to counteract it. San-
thonax and Polvorel, the commissioners sent out from France to
enforce the national decrees of liberty and equality, were the most
active and successful propagators of liberty. But in many of the
quarters, the slaves still continued to work, even without white over-
seers ; and furnished large quantities of coffee for exportation during
the whole government of Toussaint. And, what is still more re-
markable, the rich and expensive department of Grande Anse con-
tinued to furnish nearly its usual quantity of produce, and remained
quiet for several years after the commencement of the revolution,
aud until Jeremie was evacuated by the British, notwithstanding
that this department was annually beseiged by Generals ToussainE
and Rigaud, commanding the armies of The South and of the West,
accompanied by all their seditious proclamations. The slaves were
armed by their masters, and protected themselves and families vfhile
they made abundant crops of coffee. In short, when we come to
consider the massacres and bloodshed necessarily attending such a
horrid revolution, where a vast number of slaves were forced into a
state of licentious anarchy, and led on by partizans blinded by
revolutionary fury, who gave no quarter on either side, it is astonish-
ing that the slaves now liberated should have so soon returned to a
peaceable and quiet state of domestic order, and again admitted
whites to reside peaceably among them, and enjoy all the pre-emi-
nence that condition could give.(9) But such was the fact ; and
considering that they were still acting on the defensive against the
British, who, for many years after, and with all their disposable
force, endeavored to subdue them, it is a matter of astonishment
and wonder how so much produce was still made as was exported
under the reign of Toussaint, and until the arrival of the grand
French expedition under Rochambeau and Leclerc, (in 1802 — 3,)
when the island was again thrown into anarchy, and would have
been ultimately re-conquered but for the breaking out of the war
afresh between France and Britain, which suspended the farther
progress of the conquest, and finally confirmed its independence.
Its government has now settled under the form of a military Repub-
lic ; but the quantity of produce raised bears but little proportion to
what it was under the Patriarchal restraint of its Colonial system of
government, as the present state of individual emancipation implies
less necessity for hard work, especially in a healthy, fertile, and
mild climate such as Hayti, where few clothes are required, and
bountiful nature produces spontaneously the necessaries of life.
From all these facts it follows, that, under a just and prudent
system of management, negroes are safe, permanent, productive
and growing property, and easily governed ; that they are not na-
turally desirous of change, but are sober, discreet, honest and obli-
ging, are less troublesome, and possess a much better moral character
than the ordinary class of corrupted whites of similar condition. (10)
Their strong attachment to their homes, to their wives and
children, and to domestic life, are likewise great securities for their
good behavior ; which, with a fair and equitable allowance of
clothes and provisions, kind treatment when sick, and fair words
when well, will, in most cases, insure good behavior, obedience, and
attachment. Under these circumstances they will, without grum-
bling, and with very little corporeal punishment, perform a great
deal of valuable labor in a year, and with profit and satisfaction to
the owner, who, if prudent, will soon find himself in easy circum-
stances, and feel happy in experiencing the attachment, confidence,
and good will of a grateful and happy people.(ll)
The policy generally pursued by our own slave holding state
governments with regard to free colored people, and that pursued
2
10
by foreign colonial and other slave holding governments, is directly
opposite. In the latter, the free colored people have found it their
interest universally and decidedly to place themselves in the scale
of the whites, or in opposition to the slaves. (12) In the former,
necessity, from the unfavorahle construction of the laws, has com-
pelled them universally to throw themselves into the scale of the
slaves in opposition to the whites. This difference of policy adopt-
ed by these different governments, who have precisely the same
views and interests to favor, and the same objects to guard against,
is obviously owing to the difference of local circumstances, growing
out of the different situations of the two countries with regard to
population and government.
In our greatest slave holding states which take the lead, the great
majority of the inhabitants is white, who boast of enjoying every
privilege of free men, but possessing a strong feeling of prejudice
against every other shade of color, and inhabiting a high, healthy
country, suitable to the labor of white people, to whom colored
labor is not absolutely necessary. This majority has the right of
forming the laws to govern the minority, or slave holding part of
these states, lying nearest the sea, to whom a colored popula-
tion is absolutely necessary, and with the safety and good govern-
ment of which a smaller degree of prejudice against color would
better comport. But as the great quantity of whites in the up
country is at all times ready to put down or exterminate all the
colored people in case of insurrection, fear and force in governing
these people are safely substituted for wisdom and policy. (14)
The operation of physical causes has induced the foreign slave
holding colonies and governments to adopt a policy diametrically
opposite. Their climates being unfavorable to the increase of the
whites, has thrown a great majority into the scale of the free color-
ed people, many of whom, being rich and liberally educated, enjoy
great respectability, and having the same interest with the whites,
and great influence with the slaves, form a barrier to insurrection ;
which not only makes life and property safe in time of peace, but
renders the whole physical strength of the country completely dis-
posable in time of war.
North Carolina, by the liberal provisions of her constitution and
enhghtened policy to her free colored people, stands firmer with re-
gard to slave property than any state to the south, not even except-
ing Louisiana. A generaUineoflimitation might be drawn between
white and colored, such as exists in the British West India colonies.
Taxes in all rases should be equal ; and the law both criminal and
civil should be as impartial as the sun. If it is otherwise, what kind
of protection can be given either to person or to property ; and what
must be the final result where neither is given ?
I beUeve no disadvantage has ever been perceived in North Caro-
lina from its free citizens of color being allowed to vote.
11
It appears from the above statement, that to raise the value of
southern plantation property to its just scale of purchase value,
according to the rate of interest yielded by its neat average return
of crops, to bear an equal proportion with the value and returns of
real property in the north, which is the principal object of this
treatise, it may be considered necessary —
1st. To put all fear of danger, either to person or property, from
insurrection of the slaves, at rest.
2d. To destroy all doubt of the permanent durability of such pro-
perty in case of war or invasion.
3d. To extinguish that general foreign or northern prejudice
against holding slave property, which commonly arises from their
mistaken view of our policy and laws to regulate slaves and free
colored people.
To accomplish these objects will require a considerable sacrifice
of local prejudice to the shrine of self interest, with some small
mixture of discretion, which I flatter myself the present enlightened
state of society, improved by its advancement in the science of po-
litical economy, will, in consideration of the proposed advantages,
liberally bestow.
The red aborigines were in this low country a healthy people.
The negroes are not only a healthy people, but robust and durable
even in swamps.
The intermediate grades of color are not only healthy, but when
condition is favorable, they are susceptible of every amelioration.
Daily experience shows that there is no natural antipathy between
the castes on account of color ; and it only requires to repeal laws
as impolitic as they are unjust and unnatural ; which confound
merit and condition with infamy and degradation on account of
complexion, and to leave nature to find out a safe and wholesome
remedy for evils which are merely imaginary.
12
APPENDIX.
Since the year 1S29, when the second edition of this pamphlet
was pubUshed, the subject of our colored population has been pretty-
fully discussed in several of the State Legislatures of this Union,
without arriving at any positive or satisfactory conclusion, as to how
it would be safest and best to dispose of them, so as to avoid the
risk of reaction from their resentment.
The alarm occasioned by the massacre at Southampton, natural-
ly caused a fear and diffidence in that quarter, which spread itself
throughout the slave holdijjg states, and operated with extreme
cruelty and injustice against all the colored people, by confounding
the innocent with the guilty ; and it is hardly a matter of doubt
whether or not the excessive rigor and cruelty of these consequent
enactments has not been very prejudicial to the slave holding in-
terest, by causing a general feeling of compassion which is natural-
ly excited in favor of helpless innocence, when oppressed by relent-
less tyranny. Colonization in Africa has been proposed to the free
colored people, to forward which a general system of persecution
against them, upheld from the pulpit, has been legalized through-
out the southern states, which leaves them the sad alternative of
submitting to a condition worse than slavery, or of leaving the
country to which nativity has given them a natural right, to go
where sickness, privations and barbarity must soon put an end to all
their troubles ; in this dilemma it is to be hoped that some way of
escape will present itself.
The same subject has excited an interest gradually proportioned
to its magnitude, throughout all the American colonies, and has
been regulated by acts of legislation dictated by circumstances
connected with the views and prejudices of each.
The Swedish, Danish and French, have abolished the distinction
of color where the parties are free, by admitting them to a partici-
pation of equal rights. The British have gone still further, and not
only assimilated the interests of the free people of color of their
colonies with those of the whites, but have threatened to extend
their legislation to the emancipation of the slaves ; this premature
interference is generally condemned, as tending to overturn and
destroy civilization, by too suddenly admitting an overwhelming
proportion of ignorant and uncivilized people into society.
The Spanish colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico have flourished
beyond example without altering the wise, libera), and humane
policy of their former system, which protected the slaves from acts
of cruelty and injustice, and at the same time united the interests
of the free colored people to those of the whites, so as to form one
13
consolidated mass of effective force under the complete control of
their government.
Cuba, perhaps, under its present circumstances, stands more in-
dependent of external help, than any other slave holding govern-
ment in America, except Brazil. Its population may be estimated
at one million, one third of which is free people, all united in the
same interest ; the other two thirds are slaves, who, being justly
treated, have never manifested any signs of discontent. Its soil is
extremely fertile, its climate is healthy, its situation convenient for
commerce, which it carries on with its own people, its export pro-
ductions are immense, and its revenue competent for all the purposes
of good government.
The empire of Brazil was left in a former edition of this work, at
%var with its neighbor, the republic Buenos Ayres, which has since
happily terminated, and proved the possibility of a country whose
revenues and government depend entirely upon slave labor for sup-
port, being so entirely independent as not to require any foreign or
external protection to enable it to resist a foreign enemy, without
fear of a revolt from its own numerous slave population. Since the
termination of that war, several political convulsions and party re-
volutions have happened within it; just enough to prove its stability,
but there has been no sign or suspicion of any discontent among the
slaves ; and it now stands fairly and firmly upon its own national
resources, and solely under its own protection, unparalleled in its
extent, situation, and prospects of greatness derived from its healthy
climate, fertility, and extent of territory, all convenient for commerce,
which is extensively carried on by its own inhabitants, and protect-
ed by equitable and just laws. It now proudly and practically
claims the only banner of actual independence belonging to any
slave holding state in America.
Since that period, also, our own colored population, having been
consolidated into one mass and identified with slavery by our state
laws, has retrogaded exceedingly in the southern states, without
producing the desired effect of increasing the proportion of whites,
and has proved incontestibly, I think, that the policy of perse-
cuting the free colored people to induce them to sacrifice their na-
tive attachments and property for banishment to Africa, is at variance
with the prosperity and interests of the South, and tends to lower
the price of property by destroying the prospect of its durability.
By persecution we force them off, and place them in a situation
to retaliate upon us in case of war, and perhaps to glut their ven-
geance upon us at some future period, for no person can seriously
believe that they are going to remain long in a savage and sterile
country like Liberia, when so many healthy, fertile, and civilized
countries, every where around, are inviting them to citizenship, and
we well know that revenge for cruelty and injustice is a hereditary
passion in human nature : handed down from father to son, it never
dies until satiated by atonement.
14
As any argument about the justice and right of such laws can
'always be answered by the plea of expediency, it would be useless
to enter into it farther than to observe that the policy of unjust laws
is more than doubtful in any case whatever, especially as attended by
the hostility naturally consequent to acts of cruelty and injustice,
which must necessarily produce resentment uncompensated for by
any subsequent benefit. This could never have been fairly consid-
ered, or it never would have been attempted.
First, T will allow that it is physically possible to exterminate all
the free colored people of the South, it makes no matter how ; say
about one hundredth part of all the free colored people of this quar-
ter of the world is destroyed, the quantity of resentment of the re-
mainder, and of all justly thinking men, will still be measured by the
atrocity of the act.
Second. Will the same instinctive passion which caused their
existence diminish, or will the same regular quantity of colored
people still continue to be produced by that passion ? If it will,
destroying the present existing race will be playing the part of the
Danaides in the story, attempting to fill the continually leaking
pitcher ; besides, this system of tyranny and injustice is a libel upon
our pretended republican institutions, incompatible with our national
character, and cannot be considered but as an affront and open
violation of the morality and civilization of the age we live in. But
what is still worse during its continuance, it evidently involves the
necessary dependence of every individual slave holding state, upon
foreign protection against itself. To point out how it would be
invidious, no political association under the present laws against
color could assure independence to the slave holding states. The
want of ordinary population would render regular white soldiers
difficult to be got as well as expensive, and quite inefficient in the
sickly season, when they might be most wanted. And the want of
sailors would render commerce too expensive to be carried on
amongst ourselves, and foreigners would carry away as they do
now, all the profits of our labor ; we therefore would be too poor
to meet the expenses of such an exotic and unnatural independent
government. Dependence therefore is our doom ; we must seek
protection from the free states who have a disposable population
to make soldiers of, or to man ships to protect us, and to carry away
our produce together with all the profits of our labor.
The consequences of some recent attempts at independence on
the part of some slave holding states bring the above facts home to
us ; therefore to irritate that necessary and unoffending class of
people by cruelty and injustice is impolitic, and completely defeats
the object of our ever becoming independent.
The whole colored population of the United States, even including
slaves, would not be more than one eighth part of those who im-
mediately surround us ; destroy them all, root and branch, they
15 ' _
eoultl easily be replaced at some future time ; but until they were
replaced, our southern seaboard country would offer a safe retreat
for the bear and the wolf without competition.
Experiment is the fairest and most convincing argument ; truth
itself is only proved by connecting insulated facts ; our mistaken
system of policy has proved its fallacy by late events, and showed
us that we are wrong ; to persist in error is dangerous ; let us take
lessons from the laws of tliose countries which have already tested
their policy by their beneficial effects with regard to slaves and free
people of color, and who are all united and friendly to the interests
of the whites, and to society generally ; similar causes must produce
similar effects ; as we are the first in intelligence, so let us be first in
the practice of political wisdom ; and by uniting the interests of our
whole population with that of our government, in support of nation-
al freedom and independence, rid ourselves of the most tormenting
of all fecrs — that of ourselves.
Query. What would be the natural consequence of granting the
same legal protection to the persons and properties of all free peo-
ple alike, or the free use and benefit of the law to protect themselves 1
Answer. They would all have the same means of acquiring pro-
perty, and all would feel equally interested in the public welfare
and peace of the country.
Query. Is the increase of free colored people injurious or bene-
ficial to the seaboard country of the South ?
Answer. In all the southern seaboard country which is unfavora-
ble to the agricultural labors of white people, the increase ofa free co-
lored population is not only beneficial, but absolutely necessary, to its
stability and to cheapen the price of labor, without which neither
domestic commerce, nor mechanical operations, nor manufactures
can be carried on to advantage, as is clearly demonstrated by the
present state of poverty and dependence of that section, owing evi-
dently to the want of cheap labor, which can only be obtained from
a settled population attached to the soil.
Query. What national benefit is derived from the acts of out-
lawry now in force against the free colored people of the south?
Answer. No benefit whatever, but the greatest and most tor-
menting of all evils — a conscious dread of criminal guilt, arisino-
from the known tyranny of the lawless and unprincipled part of the
white population which the law authorises to perpetrate every species
of wicked abuse upon innocence and unoffending color, which is
entirely excluded from legal protection, except through the means
of white evidence. Moral restraint without the fear of law being
so rare, as to create a doubt whether or not the conscientious prin-
ciple of justice, independent of legal restraint, has any real existence
in the human breast.
Query. Has any property left by will to any colored person,
ever been honestly and fairly administered by any white person 1
16
Answer. Such instances might possibly ha\?e happened, but
never to my knowledge.
Query. What must be the ultimate tendency of such a system
of tyranny and injustice?
Answer. By exciting the indignation of the world, it must ac-
celerate its own downfall. A government whose laws grant exclu-
sive privileges to the wicked and abandoned part of its population,
to persecute and destroy the weak of another humble part, is a
government of anarchy ; to call such a government a Republic,
would be a gross libel on the name : it is ultra democracy or
arnachy.
Query. What remedy could be proposed for this unsafe state of
society ?
Answer. Either to modify or repeal the most oppressive parts
the laws now in force, or to improve the moral principles of the
lower orders of white society by a more liberal education, such as
would govern their actions by principles of moral justice, without
the constraint of law ; as the jealousy and injustice of the different
grades of society, in their present conduct towards colored people
seems to be graduated by the cultivation of their minds in moral
economy, or the rule of conscientiously treating their fellow men
justly, without regard to law, and just as they would like to be
treated themselves, if placed under similar circumstances. Of the
two remedies, the last would be the most radical and effectual, but
being the most expensive and the most tedious, would come too
late to remedy the present evils, which are now pressing upon society,
and calling for immediate relief.
[1] It will reasonably be inquired, who is the writer, and how presumes he to
advise in contradiction to common practice and the refceived opinion of nine tenths
of all the slave owners of the United States ? He answers that he is a slave own-
er, and has aright to express his opinion, having lived by planting in Florida for
the last twenty-five years. He disavows all other motives but that of increasing
the value of his property ; moreover, he thinks that truth will support his argu-
ments as to a subject with which he has had great opportunities of becoming well
acquainted, having lived long in different slave holding countries.
[2] This observation will apply to many of our farmers whose youth, strengtli,
and ambition seem for several years to set the climate at defiance, but they are
finally overcome by sickness, which brings on debility and premature old age.
[3] Northern migration to the south for the purpose of gain in winter,and south-
ern migration to the north to spend money in the summer, finally concentrate
in the north the whole product of Southern slave labor.
Slavery is a necessary state of control from which no condition of society canbe
pei-fectly free. The term is applicable to, and fits all grades and conditions in
almost every point of view, whether moral, physical, or political.
It certainly is a mistaken notion, that the progress of labor, guided by the ac-
cidental impulse of single individuals, is greater than that of systematic co-opera-
tion, directed and controlled by a skilful mechanic and economist, under the
patriarchal government; for it is evident that slaves taught early, could produce
any kind of manufactured goods one third cheaper than free people ; the co-ope-
rative system of labor being better calculated either to increase the quantity or to
attain perfection in the manufacture ; and whenever labor, expended in manu-
facturing cotton into cloth, yields more than it does when employed in raising the
raw material, slaves will become manufacturers.
[4] As white people are only wanted to act as overseers, or to fill vacancies in
conformity to law, their number must always be limited to these wants and easy
situations. But the number of colored people must eventually be bounded by the
quantity and quality of soil from which they derive subsistence by manual labor.
[5] Pride and prejudice, our present stumbling blocks in the management of
our negroes, should give way topolicy and the necessity of self preservation, and
induce us to remove as far as possible whatever ai'e the obvious causes of this dan-
gerous spirit of revolt.
Power may for a while triumph over weakness and misfortune. But as all na-
ture (from the eternal principle of self) takes part with weakness against power,
the re-action finally must be terrible and overwhelming.
[6] Whoever was so unlucky as to see, on Cumberland Island, last war, the
magical transformation of his own negroes, whom he left in the field but a few
hours before, into regular soldiers, of good discipline and appearance, and with.
what despatch and celerity the recruiting service went on under the protection
of a few hundred marines, notwithstanding all the care and vigilance that were
used to prevent desertion, could not help figuring to himselfthe consequences had
there been a larger force, able to maintain a position on the main, with any ulterior
object of conquest in view and possessing the means of equipment. Where would
they have stopped, or what could have stopped them?
[7] The empire of Brazil embraces, from north to south, about one thousand
leagues of sea coast, and as many from east to west. The whole of this immense
territory is a wholesome, temperate, and warm climate, is watered by the largest
and most extensive rivers in the world, and possesses abundance of capacious
and deep harbors for shipping, with inexhaustible quantities of incorruptible tim-
ber, of which it has already built some of the finest first-rate ships of war and
3
18
merchantmen that any country can boast of. Its export agricultural produce is
fast approaching in value to that of the United States, and it is incontestably the
most extensive, valued, rich, healthy, and best situated body of land under any
one government in America: and bids fair, from its policy and form of g-overn-
ment, which is a limited monarchy, to be one of the most durable. Its present
population, being more than three fourths colored, will rapidly predominate on
that side, on account of its convenient situation to Africa, its immense annual im-
portation of slaves, its rich soil, its temperate and healthy climate, and more espe-
cially from its great distance, and the expense of passages from Europe. With
Chinese economy it may, at some period not very remote, compete in population
with that most ancient Empire, which it greatly exceeds in extent. Of all other
countries, in fact, itmost resembles China in its climate, fertility of soil, and com-
plexion of inhabitants.
[S] I heard of no instance of abuse or treachery on the part of the negroes of
Grand Anse, during my residence in Jeremie, while it was held by the British :
nor did I experience either insult or interruption in the south or west of St. Do-
mingo, under the government of Touissant, or Rigaud. I resided there nearly a
year, at one period, besides making frequent voyages, during which I often tra-
velled alone, and on horseback, from Leogane to the Cayes, and from Petit-Goave
to Jacquemel, through woods and over mountains, with my saddle bags loaded
with specie to buy coffee ; and though I frequently met large groupes of armed
negroes in the woods, I neither recieved insult or hindrance, but was always treat-
ed with kindness and civility. Many Americans, (I may say hundreds,) at that
time on the Island, can testify to the same treatment and circumstances.
[9] This observation applies only to neutral nations. The French, who were
at war and enemies, were several times not only plundered but killed within the
government of Rigaud : but under Touissant, I knew of no instance of treachery,
and all nations, classes, and conditions were equally protected.
[10] For the truth of this observation, I appeal to every slave holder in the south,
who has had an opportunity of Avitnessing the conduct of white laborers who come
annually to seek work from the north ; whether the common plantation negroes
do not conduct themselves much better and are of a more respectable moral
character.
[11] Our laws to regulate slaves are entirely founded on terror. It would
be worth while to try the experiment of a small mixture of reward with the pun-
ishment — such as allowing them the free use of Sunday as a market day and jubi-
lee, which I have observed had a good effect in all foreign countries, also in Loui-
siana. The laws of the southern states are exclusively constructed for the protec-
tion of whites, and vexatious tyranny over the persons and properties of every
colored person, whose oath can in no case be admitted as evidence against a
white person. Policy and self-preservation require, to render the system benefi-
cial, that slaves must be kept under wholesome and just restraint, which must
always create some degree of resistance more or less to Patriarchal authority ;
to counterbalance which the interest and co-operation of the free colored people
is absolutely necessary when the white population is scanty.
[12] A slave who saves my life by rescuing it from assassins at the risk of his
own, or who saves the lives and properties of a whole community by informing
against conspirators, must still remain aslave ! and what a dreadful feeling of ge-
neral resentment must originate from such a source of injustice !
[ 13] What greater insult can be offered to common sense, than to arrogate the
conditon of freedom to ourselves, who have not the power, under any circum-
stances, of disposing of our property in the way we please. Is there any thing
worthy of acceptance that can be offered to a slave but freedom ?
If our low country is destroyed, and I lose my life and property by an insurrec-
tion, what satisfaction is it to me to know that our back country militia will
promptly and bravely revenge my death and destroy my negroes ? A state of
war might soon produce such an event.
A very common argument against free colored people's testimony being ad-
19
mitted as evidence in all cases is, that their moral character is not generally so
respectable. The force of all testimony must be measured by its respectability ;
therefore of unequal value. But that the moral character of free colored people
generally, is inferior to that of the same condition of whites, I think cannot be
proved. On the contrary, all unprejudiced people who have had an opportunity
of knowing-, and have paid attention to the subject, will say that the very opposite
is the case. Even if it were not so, what a reflection on our policy and justice, to
outlaw them for complexion, which they cannot help, and deprive them of the
means of acquiring moral improvement, by driving them to seek shelter among
the slaves ! Few, I think, will deny that color and condition, if properly consi-
dered, are two very separate qualities. But the fact is, that in almost every in-
stance, our legislators, for want of due consideration, have mistaken the shadow
for the substance, and confounded together two very different things ; thereby
substantiating by law a dangerous and inconvenient antipathy, which can have
no better foundation than prejudice. It is much to be regretted that those who
enact laws to regulate slaves and free people of color, are often obliged to con-
sult popularity rather than policy and their own good sense. If such alterations
were practicable as would render slave property safe, without adopting the pre-
sent system of terror, all such laws as tended to regulate plantation management,
and interfere with the province of individual owners, could be repealed ; property
'Tvould increase in value ; and the owner, no longer a kind of state prisoner, hover-
ing over the movements of his negroes and overseers, could liberalise and im-
prove his mind by travelling, and satisfy his thirst for knowledge wherever the
advance of science offered the greatest field for its acquirement.
The patrol laws are demoralising to the whites who compose the patrol ; ty-
rannical and unjust to the negroes ; and unnecessarily supersede, in most cases,
the owner's prerogative and rights over his property.
Some of our state laws, in defiance of our national treaties, condemn to indis-
criminate imprisonment in the common jail, every class of free colored persons,
who may arrive within their limits, without reference to sex, cause, or condition ;
and to be sold as slaves where they have not the means of paying the penalties
annexed to the crime of arriving within the jurisdiction of the law. What must
be the final consequence of such infatuation? an infatuation arraying itself in
open and avowed hostility against twelve millionsof people, now composing the
colored population of this quarter of the world. Hayti, alone, in the full career of
wealth, freedom, and juvenile independence, with equal, if not superior, advan-
tages of climate, soil, and situation, to any equal portion of tcn-itory in the world,
is evidently destined by nature, at no very distant period, if not to command,
at leastto share the commerce of the surrounding ocean; and, without being over
peopled, comfortably to accomodate twelve millions of inhabitants.
A war of color would, in our situation, of all wars be the most dangerous,
therefore the least advisable, because we naturally and unavoidably (under our
present policy) contain within us the materials of our own dissolution ; and nine
tenths of all our present white friends would at least laugh at our absurd indis-
cretion.
All the late insurrections of slaves are to be traced to fanatical preachers (as, for
instance, at Barbadoes and Demarara) and to white missionaries from E'lgland.
Vesey, who instigated the Charleston plot, was an exhorting brotlier. GualJa
Jack or Jack the Conjurer was a Conjurer in his own country, M'Choolay Tvloree-
ma, where a dialect of the Angola tongue is spoken clear across Africa from sea
to^ sea, a distance perhaps of three thousand miles : I purchased him a prisoner
of Avar at Zinguebar. He had his conjuring implements with him in a bag which
he brought on board the ship, and always retained them. 1 know two instances,
to the southward, where gangs of negroes were prevented from deserting to the
enemy by drivers, or influential negroes, whose integrity to their masters, and
influence over the slaves, prevented it ; and what is still more remarkable, in both
instances the influential negroes were Africans, and professors of the Mahomed-
an religion.
20
A favorite maxim with some of our old southern politicians to increase the
eecurity of slave property, has been to prohibit the increase of free people, or,
by some means or other not yet divulged, to get rid of the evil altogether. If
this could be done without making the remedy worse than the disease, it would
be worth while to try it ; but as the iniquity has its origin in a great instinctive
universal and immutable law of nature, legislation, by the aged, against
such an alleged crime as propagation in youth, would be hopeless, and, like
the story of the King of Arabia, who, after destroying his appetite by excess
and gluttony, made a law, forbidding, under a severe penalty, that any of his
subjects should be hungry.
About twenty-five years ago, I settled a plantation on St. Johns River, in
Florida, with about fifty new African negroes, many of whom I brought from
the coast myself. They were mostly fine young men and women, and nearly
in equal numbers. I never interfered with their connubial concerns, nor do-
mestic affairs, but let them regulate these after their own manner. I taught
them nothing but what was useful, and what I tliought would add to their
physical and moral happiness. I encouraged as much as possible dancing,
merriment, and dress, for v/hich Saturday afternoon and night, and Sunday
morning, were dedicated ; and, after allowance, their time vv^as usually employ,
ed in hoeing their corn, and getting a supply offish for the week. Both men
and women were very industrious. Many of them made twenty bushels of
corn to sell, and they vied with each other in dress and dancing, and as to
whose wife was the finest and prettiest. They were perfectly honest and obe-
dient, and appeared quite happy, having no fear but that of offending me ; and
I hardly ever had occasion to apply other correction than shaming them. If
I exceeded this, the punishment was quite light, for they hardly ever fiiiled in
doing their work well. My object was to excite thsir ambition and attach-
ment by kindness ; not to depress their spirits by fear and punishment. I
never allowed them to visit, for fear of bad example, but encouraged the decent
neighboring people to participate in their weekly festivity, for which they
always provided an ample entertainment themselves, as they had an abundance
of hogs, fowls, corn, and all kinds of vegetables and fruit. They had nothing
to conceal from me, and I had no suspicion of any crime in them to guard
against. Perfect confidence, friendship, and good understanding reigned be-
tween us ; they increased rapidly. After a few years, tliis pleasant and profit-
able state of harmony was interrujited by the revolution of 1812. A war
party of Seminole Indians attacked the plantation in my absence ; caught,
bound, and carried of, or killed, forty of them, whose reluctance in going with
the invaders may be easily imagined from the following circumstance. The
wife of a young man they had tied and were driving oft', that her husband, who
was too strong to be handled, and who had his young child in his arms, might
follow ; but this he absolutely refused, handing over tlie child to his wife, and
saying that she knew best how to take care of it, but that his master should
never say that he was a runaway negro ; upon which the Indian shot him, and
he died next day.
But my object in this long digression is to show the danger and hurtful ten-
dency of superstition (by some called religion) among negroes whose ignoronce
and want of rationality render them fit subjects to work upon. I afterwards
purchased more new negroes. A man, calling himself a minister, got among
them. It was now sinful to dance, work their corn or catch fish, on a Sunday ;
or to eat cat fish, because they had no scales ; and if they did, they were to go
to a place where they would be tormented with fire and brimstone to all eter-
nity ! They became poor, ragged, hungry, and disconsolate : to steal from me
was only to do justice — to take what belonged to them, because I kept them
in unjust bondage ; that all pastime or pleasure in this iniquitous world was
sinful ; that this was only a place of sorrow and repentance, and the sooner
they were out of it the better ; that they would then go to a good country,
where they vvould experience no want of any thing, and have no work nor
21
cruel taskmaster, for that God was merciful, and would pardon any Bin they
committed ; only it was necessary to pray and ask forgiveness, and have prayer
meetings, and contribute what they could to the church, &c.
They accordingly formed private societies under church regulations, where
all were brothers and sisters, and, under an oath of the most horrid penalty,
never to tell or divulge any crime that would bring any brother or sister into
trouble, but to lay all the blame on those who had not united with them, and
who, of necessity, were obliged to join the fraternity, as soon as possible, in
their own defence. They had private nightly meetings, once or twice a week,
with abundance of preaching and praying, (for they all exhorted, men as well
as women,) with an ample entertainment from my hogs, for it was no sin to
steal for the church, the elders of which held it right to break open mj corn
house, and provide amply for the meeting ; so that, finally, myself and the
overseer became completely divested of all authority over the negroes. The
latter even went so far as to consult the head men of the church whether or
not, according to religion, my orders ought to be obeyed ! Severity had no
effect ; it only made it worse ; and I really believe that, in several instances,
sick children were allowed to die, because the parents thought conscientiously
that it was meritorious to transfer their offspring from a miserable and wicked
world to a happy country, v.'here they were in hopes of soon joining them!
I relate the above circumstance not from any disrespect or prejudice against
any particular religious profession ; but when it renders men unhappy and dis-
contented v/ith tlieir condition in life, by destroying local attachment and love
of country, it certainly should be rationally opposed : and I cannot help re-
gretting that honest well meaning men, witlr so much ability to do good, and
render mankind, especially the lower orders, happy and contented, should so
misapply their talents as to subvert all natural and rational happiness, and en-
deavor to render our species miserable.
I was informed by a gentleman who lived near the Fishdam ford, on Broad
River, South Carolina, that his employer had made an experiment on the
management of negroes, of whom he was overseer, which answered extremely
well, and offers to us a strong case in favor of exciting ambition by cultivating
utility, local attachment, and moral improvement among slaves. He establish-
ed four or five plantations, not far apart, and stocked each of them with a
suitable proportion of hands, and work cattle, under a driver, who had the
entire management of every thing under his (the overseer's) control. The
overseer's duty merely extended to direct the driver on what land he was to
raise provisions, and where cotton was to be planted ; with this understanding,
that all the cotton raised, after it was cleaned and packed, belong to the own-
er, and that all the hogs, corn, and provisions left after supplying the planta-
tion, belonged to the negroes, v/ho might do with it as they pleased.
The consequence of this arrangement was, that these plantations, regulated
as before stated, turned out better crops than any other plantations of equal
force in that neighborhood, and tlie owner had no farther trouble nor expense
than furnishing the ordinary clothing and paying the overseer's wages, so that
he could fairly be called free, seeing that he could realise his annual income
wherever he chose to reside, without paying the customary homage to servitude
of personal attendance on the operations of his slaves.
Good policy requires that all laws tending to demoralise the people by hold-
ing out a premium for perjury, should be abolished. Motives of policy, self-
preservation, or justice, on which laws should be founded, form little or no
part in such laws, as far as regards the free colored people of the South, (with
some exceptions, such as Noi-th Carolina and Louisiana,) which are dictated
in a spirit of intolerant prejudice and irresponsible autocracy, holding out to
people they nickname free, no positive reward or premium whatever for being
virtuous ; nothing to stimulate to industry or the acquisition of a good name,
learning, or refinement ; no kind of protection either for person or property ;
their destiny is already fixed by a mark of nature which has doomed to irrevo-
23
cable disgrace its degraded bearer, who is singled out as a victim for cruelt}',
avarice, and revenge ; wliose punishment must bo corporeal, not even except-
ing the most delicate female, whose industry and virtue alone would place her
at the head of society in an}^ other country. The fruits of their industry must
be offered up as a temptation to the avarice of some nobler color, which alone
is privileged to hold and protect it. In short, liberty is merely nominal, with-
out any constitutional protection. They may be sold for debt to pay partial,
exhorbitant, and tyrannical taxes or fines, all of which are unconstitutional.
Oppression is carried to its greatest extreme, when a mother of the most un-
exceptionable moral character, leaving her family on account of ill health, and
going out of her native state, is inexorably punished by perpetual banishment
from her husband, children, friends, country, and all that is dear to her.
Since these sevei'e enactments against color, several of the most respectable
and enterprising young men have withdrawn from their native country and
entered into the Haytian navy, and more will undoubtedly follow. I should
think it were better to induce such to remain at home as friends, than oblige
them to pass the Rubicon as enemies.
It has been a favorite project of some of our least mathematical economists,
to transport all the colored people of the U. States to Africa, without consider,
ingthat the cost of the annual increase alone, if purchased, when added to the
lowest possible freight, would exceed tha annual revenue of the United States.
Besides, the difficulty and stern opposition that would encounter a prostration
of all rights of property and liberty of person, they would have to be put on board
in irons, under a strong guard, and be conveyed and landed with the same
military formality, to oppose the resentment of the natives v.^hom they must
displace, as well as the vengeance of the convicts themselves, both of whose
lives must be sacrificed to famine or resentment at the despotic nod of cruelty
and superstition.
A great opportunity was lost of colonizing more rationally at the late evacu-
ation of the Spanish part of Saint Domingo, where there would have been
ample room for all the colored people of the U, States, within five days sail of
Charleston.
A patriarchal feeling of affection is due to every slave from his owner, who
should consider the slave as a member of his family, whose happiness and pro-
tection is identified with that of his own family, of which his slave constitutes
a part, according to his scale of condition. This affection creates confidence
which becomes reciprocal, and is attended with the most beneficial conse-
quences to both. It certainly is humiliating to a proud master to reflect, that
he depends on his slave even for bread to eat. But such is the fact.
In most foreign colonies where spring is perpetual, Saturday is allowed the
slaves as a compensation for their furnishing their own provision, which chief-
ly consists of yams and plantains, produced almost spontaneously, or with
little labor, and abundance of sweet, nutritious, and farinacious fruits of ex-
quisite flavor, growing wild on the trees all the year round. This not only
supplies them with delicious and wholesome food, but furnishes the means of
traffic in the towns at night, or to carry to market on Sunday, which is every
where celebrated as a day of freedom and rejoicing, similar to the practice at
New-Orleans.
Let any slave owner reflect and say, how much advantage the country would
derive from preaching up industry, economy, and local attachment to the
slaves ; and, by pointing out to them the happy coincidence and wise and bene-
ficent dispensation of so much good which every where surrounds them, how
much he would be deserving of universal respect and gratitude ; instead of
preaching up terror and dismay, misery and discontent, as dispensations of the
supreme author of ail good. All local attachment and love of virtue must be
chilled or annihilated by such intemperate abuse of supreme wisdom. Any
extreme is said naturally to produce its opposite. Will an excess of error ever
produce truth 7
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